11.6 Attitudes Beliefs, and Behaviors

Since the early days of broadcast television, educators, parents, and legislators have been concerned about the effects of televised messages on the socialization of children. In 1987, a Louis Harris poll indicated that more than two-thirds of the adults surveyed were concerned about the effects of television on the values and behaviors of their children (Huston et al., 1992). Attention has also been directed to television's potential for cultivating prosocial behavior.* The cause-effect relationship between televised violence and violent behavior has not been conclusively supported by the research literature. Although there have been significant corTelations in certain groups, such as those predisposed to aggressive behavior, the effects cannot be easily generalized to all children. As reported in the sect ion on family viewing context, there are many mediating variables that influence the effects of television on attitudes and behaviors.

As in other areas of television research, methods vary between laboratory experiments, field studies, and surveys. Variables studied can include subject characteristics such as age, sex, ethnicity, socioeconomic status (SES), aggressive tendencies or predispositions, parental style, or amount of viewing. Other studies focus on the type of content that is presented, such as realistic, rewarded, orjustified aggression. Still other studies focus on the influence of the physical and social context by manipulating variables such as parental approval (Hearold, 1986). More complex interactions may exist among these variables as well. Outcomes can be measured through observing spontaneous play, and through teacher and peer ratings, or through monitoring the intensity of responses that presumably produce pain. Treatments and behaviors can be delineated as antisocial, prosocial, or neutral.* As defined, each of these categories encompasses many variables.

During the 7 hours per day that the television set is typically turned on, it plays a subtle role as a teacher of rules, norms, and standards of behavior (Huston et al., 1992). This section will examine how television can impact beliefs and attitudes (see Chapter 34). It will also look at issues of desensitization, oversensitization,* and disinhibition.* Finally, it will review what has been learned about the effects of television on both antisocial and prosocial behavior.

11.6.1 Major Theories

Socialization is the process of learning over time how to function in a group or society. It is a set of paradigms, rules, procedures, and principles that govern perception, attention, choices, learning, and development (Doff, 1982). Although there have been hundreds of studies that examine socialization effects, a consistent theoretical basis is lacking. Social learning theory, catharsis theory,* arousal or instigation theory, and cultivation theory are commonly cited when researchers examine the effects of television on attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors.

11.6.1.1. Social Learning Theory. Many studies of television effects are based on Bandura's social learning theory, which "assumes that modeling influences operate principally through their informative function, and that observers acquire mainly symbolic representations of modeled events rather than specific stimulus-response associations" (Bandura, 197 1, p. 16). According to Bandura and Walters (1963), the best and most effective way to teach children novel ways of acting is to show them the behavior you want them to display. Children can imitate modeled behaviors almost identically (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1961). Bandura (1971) states that although much social learning is fostered through observation of real-life models, television provides symbolic, pictorially presented models. Because of the amount of time that people are exposed to models on television, "such models play a major part in shaping behavior and in modifying social norms and thus exert a strong influence on the behavior of children and adolescents" (Bandura & Walters, 1963, p. 49).

Bandura and others conducted a series of studies known popularly as the "Bobo doll studies." In each of them, a child was shown someone assaulting a Bobo doll, a 5foot-tall inflated plastic clown designed to be a punching bag. In some experiments, the model was in the room; in others, a film of either the model or a cartoon figure was projected onto a simulated television (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1961, 1963; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Different treatment groups saw the model receiving different consequences. A model acting aggressively was either rewarded, punished, or received no consequences. Some groups saw a nonaggressive model. After exposure, the children were observed playing with toys while their spontaneous imitative aggressions were counted by trained observers.

The results showed that (a) children spontaneously imitated a model who was rewarded or received no consequences; (b) children showed far more aggression than children in other groups when they observed an aggressive model who was rewarded; (c) children showed little tendency towards aggression when they saw either the aggressive model who was punished or a nonaggressive model who was inhibited; and (d) boys showed more imitative aggression than girls (Bandura, Ross & Ross,. 1961, 1963; Bandura & Walters, 1963; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Bandura found that children can learn an aggressive behavior but not demonstrate it until motivated to do so. After children were told they would receive treats if they could demonstrate what they had seen, children in all treatment conditions, even those who saw the model punished, were able to produce a high rate of imitation (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988; Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992; Wolf, 1975).

Although these studies provided evidence that modeled or mediated images can influence subsequent behavior, they are criticized for being conducted in laboratory conditions and for measuring play behavior toward a toy that was designed to be hit (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Consequently, the results may not transfer to real-life situations. Environmental variables, such as parental approval or disapproval, also played an important role in eliciting or inhibiting aggressive behavior in naturalistic settings (Bandura, Ross & Ross, 1963).

11.6.1.2. Catharsis Theory. In contrast to social learning theory, catharsis theory suggests that viewing televised violence reduces the likelihood of aggressive behavior (Murray, 1980). The basic assumption is that frustration* produces an increase in aggressive drive, and because this state is unpleasant, the person seeks to reduce it by engaging in aggressive acts or by viewing fantasy aggressions such as those seen in action-adventure television (Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). Children who view violence experience it vicariously and identify with the aggressive action, thereby discharging their pent-up aggression (Murray, 1980).

Scheff and Scheele (1980) delineate two conditions needed for catharsis*: stimuli that give rise to distressful emotion and adequate distancing from the stimuli. They suggest that characters in violent cartoons may provide enough distancing and detachment for catharsis to occur, but realistic violence may be too overwhelming to feel and subsequently discharge.

Since catharsis involves a particular type of emotional response, viewing television may or may not elicit that response, depending on characteristics of the stimuli, viewers, and other conditions (Scheff & Scheele, 1980). Feshbach and Singer (1971) took a slightly different theoretical approach to their investigations of the relationship between fantasy aggression and overt behavior. They state that specific types of fantasies can cause either arousal, which leads to an increase in activity, or inhibition, which, in turn, leads to drive reduction. In looking at the effects of televised violence over a 6-week period, they studied approximately 400 boys who were divided into two treatment groups based on whether they watched aggressive or nonaggressive television. Feshbach and Singer found no significant differences between these groups. However, when they analyzed the data by type of residential school (private versus boy's home), they found that in the boy's home the nonaggressive television group became more aggressive, while the aggressive television group became less aggressive. When they analyzed private schools, they found the opposite to be true. Thus, the catharsis theory was supported in the boy's-home setting only. Other factors such as the boy's resentment of not being allowed to watch preferred programming may have been more influential than the nonaggressive television treatment. The researchers also suggested that "violence presented in the form of fiction is less likely to reinforce, stimulate, or elicit aggressive responses in children than is violence in the form of a news evenf' (p. 158).

In general, catharsis theory has failed to receive support in studies on children (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988) but has found support in studies on adolescents (Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). More research is needed on the effects on different populations. Scheff and Scheele (1980) cautioned that catharsis theory has never been adequately tested due to the lack of a careful definition and of systematic data collection. They recommended that studies be conducted that identify and separate viewers of violent programming who experience a cathartic emotional response from those who do not.

11.6.1.3. Instigation or Arousal Theory. Arousal theory* is related to catharsis theory only in its emphasis on an increase in a physiological state. But rather than reducing drives, this theory suggests that generalized emotional arousal can influence subsequent behaviors. Televised messages about emotion, sexuality, or violence can lead to "nonspecific physiological and cognitive arousal that will in turn energize a wide range of potential behaviors" (Huston et aL, 1992, p. 36). For example, increased aggression following televised violence would be interpreted as the result of the level of arousal elicited by the program, not as a result of modeling (Liebert & Sprafldn, 1988). In over a dozen studies, Tannenbaum (1980) varied the content in film clips to include aggressive, sexual, humor, music, and content-free abstract symbols and movement. He compared subjects who viewed more-arousing (using physiological measures) though less-aggressive (in content) film clips to those who viewed less-arousing, more-aggressive clips. Subjects were required to make some form of aggressive or punitive response, usually the administration of alleged electric shocks. The subjects could only vary the intensity, frequency, or duration of the shocks. Tannenbaum found more aggression after subjects had seen the more-arousing though less-aggressive films. He cautions, however, that a necessary feature of these studies was a target (the researcher's accomplice) who had earlier angered the subjects and may have been considered as deserving an aggressive response.

This theory suggests that when aroused, people will behave with more intensity no matter what type of response they are called upon to make (Tannenbaum, 1980). An important implication of this theory is that behavior may be activated that is quite different from what was presented (Huston et al., 1992). Thus, arousal may stimulate a predisposition towards aggression.

Arousal levels can be measured by pulse amplitudes, a type of heart response measured by a physiograph (Comstock & Paik, 1991). With this method the measurement of effects is not influenced by extraneous factors, such as observer bias or counting effors.

11.6.1.4. Cultivation Hypothesis or Drip versus Drench Models. Cultivation theory (see 4.4.4.4) "predicts that the more a person is exposed to television, the more likely the person's perceptions of social realities will match those represented on television . . ."(Liebert & Sprafldn, 1988, p. 148). In other words, a person's view of the world will be more reflective of the common and repetitive images seen on television than of those actually experienced (Signorielli, 1991; Signorielli & Lears, 1992).

Television may influence viewers by the "drip model," the subtle accumulation of images and beliefs through a process of gradual incorporation of frequent and repeated messages (Huston et al., 1992). George Gerbner conducted a number of studies that demonstrated a cultivation effect; he found that individuals who watch greater amounts of television and therefore see more crime-related content develop beliefs about levels of crime and personal safety that reflect those risks as portrayed on television (Gunter, 1987).

Greenberg (1988, cited in Williams & Condry, 1989) asserted that critical images that stand out or are intense may contribute more to the formation of impressions than does the frequency of images over time. Huston et al. also found support for the "drench model" where single programs or series may have a strong effect when they contain particularly salient portrayals. For example, programs designed to counteract stereotypes,* such as The Golden Girls, can change children's attitudes and beliefs about older women.

The "drip versus drench models" illustrate a common problem in theory building. Even though the drip model is associated with cultivation theory, neither model explains the cognitive mechanisms that operate.

11.6.2 Attitudes and Beliefs

Television is just one of many sociological factors that influence the formation of beliefs and attitudes. Many of the poorest and most vulnerable groups in our society, such as children, the elderly, ethnic minorities, and women, are the heaviest users of television in part because it is used when other activities are not available or affordable (Huston et al., 1992; Stroman, .1991). In general, people with low incomes and with less formal education watch more television than people with high incomes and with higher education (Huston et al., 1992).

Liebert and Sprafkin (1988) reported that heavy viewers (those who watch more than 3 to 4 hours per day) are more likely than light viewers to have outlooks and perceptions congruent with television portrayals, even after controlling for income and education. They cautioned that some groups, such as adolescents with low parental involvement, are more susceptible than others. Huston et al. (1992) concluded that children and adults who watched a large number of aggressive programs also tended to hold atti.tudes and values that favored the use of aggression to resolve conflicts, even when factors such as social class, sex-role identity, education level, or parental behavior were controlled (see 4.4.4.3).

The beliefs and attitudes learned from television can also be positive. Bandura and Walters (1963) stated that exemplary models often reflect social norms and the appropriate conduct for given situations. Children can acquire a large number of scripts and schemes for a variety of social situations based on television prototypes (Wright & Huston, 1983). Television can also impact children's understanding of occupations with which they have no experience (Comstock & Paik, 1991). Viewing positive interactions of different ethnic groups on Sesame Street led to an increase in positive intergroup attitudes among preschool children (Gom, Goldberg & Kamungo, 1976, cited in Huston et al.) Unfortunately, many television producers continue to rely on stereotypes due to the desire to communicate images and drama quickly and effectively.

11.6.2.1. Stereotypes. A group is said to be stereotyped "whenever it is depicted or portrayed in such a way that all its members appear to have the same set of characteristics, attitudes, or life conditions" (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988, p. 189). Durkin (1985) described stereotypes as being based on extreme characteristics attributed to the group, with usually negative values attached to that group. The less real-world information people have about social groups, the more inclined they are to accept the television image of that group. According to Gross (1991), nonrepresentation in the media maintains the powerless status of groups that possess insignificant material or power bases. He stated that mass media are especially powerful in cultivating images of groups for which there are few first-hand opportunities for leaming.

Many studies assess stereotypes both quantitatively, with counts of how many and how often subgroups are portrayed, and qualitatively, with analyses of the nature and intent of the portrayals. "Recognition* refers to the frequency with which a group receives TV roles at all. Respect* refers to how characters behave and are treated once they have roles" (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988, p. 187). Television can reflect and affect the position of groups in society, since the number and types of portrayals of a group symbolize their importance, power, and social value (Huston et al., 1992). For example, when Davis (1990) studied network programming in the spring of 1987, he concluded that television women are more ornamental than functional.

Huston et al. (1992) cautioned that "despite extensive documentation of television content, there is relatively little solid evidence about the effects of television portrayals on self-images, or on the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of other groups" (p. 33). As with other areas of television research, it may be too difficult to isolate the effects of television from other social effects. On the other hand, programs that are designed specifically to produce positive images of subgroups appear to be successful.

11.6.2.2. Gender Stereotypes. The effects of television in sex role* socialization is another area of concern (Signorielli & Lears, 1992). According to Durkin (1985), "The term sex role refers to the collection of behaviours or activities that a given society deems more appropriate to members of one sex than to members of the other sex" (p. 9). Television viewing is linked with sex-stereotyped attitudes and behaviors. Correlational studies show a positive relationship between amount of viewing and sex-stereotyped attitudes, and experimental studies demonstrate that even brief exposure to television can increase or decrease sexstereotyped behaviors, depending on the type of program viewed (Lipinski & Calvert, 1985). In the United States, women are portrayed on television as passive, dominated by men, deferential, governed by emotion or overly emotional, dependent, less intelligent than men, and generally weak (Davis, 1990; Higgs & Weiller, 1987; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988; Signorielli & Lears, 1992). The percentage of starring characters who are women is 30% (Kimball, 1986).

The formal features of television can contribute to stereotyping by gender. Commercials aimed at women used soft background music and dissolves, and employed female narrators primarily for products dealing with female body care (Craig, 1991; Durkin, 1985; Signorielli & Lears, 1992; Zemach & Cohen, 1986), even though male narrators were used in 90% of all commercials (Zemach & Cohen, 1986). Commercials aimed at men more often incorporated variation in scenes, away-from-home action, high levels of activity, fast-paced cuts, loud and dramatic music. and sound effects, and fantasy and excitement (Bryant & Anderson, 1983; Craig, 1991; Durkin, 1985).

Presenting a group in a way that connotes low status deprives that group of respect (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Women were typically assigned marital, romantic, or family roles (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988) and were depicted in subservient roles allocated to them by a patriarchal society (Craig, 1991). They were rarely shown to successfidly combine marriage and employment (Signorielli, 1991). Davis (1990) also found that the television woman's existence was a function of youth and beauty. Women were younger than men by 10 years, and they disappeared from ages 35 to 50. They are 5 times more likely to have blond hair and are 4 times more likely to be dressed provocatively. They were also frequently defined by their marital or parental status.

Men were shown as major characters on average 3 times more often than women during prime time. A higher proportion of working women were portrayed in professional and entrepreneurial roles than actually existed. Furthermore, women rarely experienced problems with childcare, sex discrimination, harassment, or poverty (Huston et al., 1992).

Although many studies identified female role stereotypes, fewer examined male stereotypes and their characteristics (Craig, 1991; Langmeyer, 1989). In general, men on television tended to be active, dominant, governed by reason, and generally powerful (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Meyers (1980) examined how men were portrayed in 269 television commercials. Her analysis found four main characteristics: authoritative-dominant, competitive/success hungry, breadwinner, or emotionless male. Commercials aimed at men are more likely to "stress the importance of being capable, ambitious, responsible, and independent and physically powerful, and of seeking accomplishment, physical comfort, and an exciting and prosperous life" (Scheibe & Condry, 1984, cited in Craig, 199 1, p. 11).

Craig (1991) found that portrayals differed according to the time of day. For example, daytime television commercials that were aimed at women portxayed men from the perspective of home and family. Men appeared in the home, were hungry, were potential partners for romance, were rarely responsible for childcare, and were portrayed as husbands or celebrities (Craig, 1991). During the weekends, ads were "replete with masculine escapist fantasy" (Craig, p. 53). Men were primary characters 80% of the time and appeared in settings outside the home. In contrast, women were completely absent in 37% of the ads, and when they did appear, it was as sex objects or models 23% of the time.

In examining effects, heavy television viewing was associated with stronger traditional sex role development in boys and girls (Comstock & Paik, 1991; Gunter, 1986; Murray, 1980; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Signorielli and Lears (1992) found a significant relationship between heavy television viewing and sex-stereotyped ideas about chores for preadolescent children. They found that children who watched more television were more likely to say that only girls should do the chores traditionally associated with women, and only boys should do those associated with men. Jeffery and Durkin (1989) found that children were more likely to accept a sex role transgression (i.e., a man doing domestic chores) when the character was presented as a powerful executive than when he was shown as a cleaner/custodian. When Kimball (1986) studied three Canadian communities, she found that 2 years after the introduction of television, children's perceptions relating to sex roles were more sex typed than before television was available. Although she recognized the influence of peers, parents, school, and other media, she concluded that the introduction of television to the Notel town added enough of an effect to produce an increase in sex stereotyping. Additionally, Bryant and Anderson (1983) reported that viewing public television (which contained less stereotyping than commercial television) was characteristic of children who made less stereotypical toy choices.

According to Dambrot, Reep, and Bell (1988), the role played by an actor or actress was more critical to viewers' perceptions than their sex. In their study examining crime action shows, they found that "viewers ascribe masculine traits to both female and male characters" (p. 399). When women were portrayed in nontraditional roles and situations, viewers did not attribute traditional stereotyped traits to them.

Hansen and Hansen (1988) studied the effect of viewing rock music videos on perception. Subjects who viewed stereotypic mu sic videos were more likely to have a distorted impression of an interpersonal interaction than were subjects who viewed neutral videos. Although research on the effects of sex role portrayals suggests a link to beliefs about gender roles, Gunter (1986) cautioned that many studies do not account for other variables, such as the effect of parental role modeling, nor do they precisely measure what viewers actually watch.

Even in sports programming, television reinforced stereotypes (Higgs & Weiller, 1987; Weiller & Higgs, 1992). Commentators described men as strong, aggressive, and unstoppable. They used surnames and provided technical information about male athletes. On the other hand, in the limited coverage of women's sports, women were described by their pain and the difficulty of the competition, by their first names, and with derisive adjectives, such as "the best little center" in basketball (Higgs & Weiller, 1992, p. 11).

On a positive note, television altered expectations when it purposely deviated from stereotypic portrayals in order to change beliefs (Comstock & Paik, 1987; Gunter, 1986). Johnston and Ettema (1982) conducted summative evaluations of Freestyle, the 13-part public television program designed to change attitudes about sex roles among children aged 9 to 12. Their study included four experimental conditions spread among seven research sites. Although limited positive effects were seen with unstructured viewing, positive short-term and long-term effects were seen when the program was viewed in the classroom and discussion took place (Comstock & Paik, 1987; Durkin, 1985). Effects with home viewers were small and were found only for the heaviest viewers. Among female children who viewed the programs in school, however, there were significant changes in beliefs, attitudes, and interests. While there were few changes in boys' beliefs, attitudes, or interests, there were no cases of negative effect on males or females (Johnston & Ettema, 1982, cited in Johnson, 1987). The program was particularly successful in promoting greater acceptance of. (a) girls who displayed independence and abilities in athletics, mechanical activities, and leadership; (b) boys who were nurturing; and (c) men and women who chose nontraditional roles (Gunter, 1986; Johnston & Ettema, 1982). Overall, Johnston and Ettema concluded that the programs could impact children's beliefs and attitudes more than their interests in nontraditional pursuits.

11.6.2.3. Minority Stereotypes. The effects of television on beliefs and perceptions related to ethnicity have not received as much attention as those related to sex roles (Comstock & Paik, 1991). Because children are less likely to have contact with people of different racial or ethnic backgrounds, television may be the primary source of information about minorities (Takanishi, 1982; Williams & Condry, 1989). By 2080, Caucasians in the United States will no longer be the majority (Fitzgerald, 1992). In response to the United States being more racially integrated than at any other time in history, television is becoming more racially diverse.

According to Huston et al. (1992), television is particularly important for Aftican-Americans because they watch more, have more favorable attitudes towards it, rely more on it for news and information, and perceive it as reflecting reality, Additionally, young, well-educated African-American adults are heavy viewers. Also, television may provide minority children with important information about the world that is not available to them in their immediate environment (Stroman, 1991); therefore, the effects may be greater.

Minority children on average spent more time watching television regardless of socioeconomic status (Comstock & Cobbey, 1982; Doff, 1982) and ascribed more reality or credibility to television portrayals (Dorr, 1982). Stroman cited a study by Lee and Browne (1981) that reported that 26% of third- and fourth-graders and 15% of adolescents watched more than 8 hours of television per day. Since their families were less able to afford alternative forms of entertainment, African-American children relied more on television for entertainment and guidance and to learn about occupations (Stroman, 1991). The successful image of African-Americans on television was as far removed from reality as were negative portrayals (Wilson & Gutierrez, 1985, cited in Fitzgerald, 1992).

In the early days of television, African-Americans appeared in minor roles, frequently as servants or as comedians (Liebert & Sprafidn, 1988). According to Williams and Condry (1989), in the 1970s racism was more subtle. Black characters were younger and poorer, less Rely to be cast in professional occupations, and dramatic or romantic roles, and often appeared in segregated environments. From their study of 1,987 network programs and commercials, they concluded that minorities were portrayed with blue-collar or public-service jobs, appeared as children, or appeared as perpetrators or victims of criminal and delinquent acts.

Ethnic identity* is the "attachment to an ethnic group and a positive orientation toward being a member of that group" (Takanishi, 1982, p. 83). Children are particularly vulnerable to negative portrayals of African-Americans. "Black children are ambivalent about their racial identity, and studies still show that many prefer whites, prefer to be white, and prefer white characters on television to characters like themselves" (Comer, 1982, p. 21). Graves (1982) cited several studies that demonstrated that preschoolers imitated televised Caucasian models more than African-American models, even when imitating toy selection. Other variables could be contributing to these studies, however. The results could be interpreted as relating more to the perceived status of the models than to their ethnicity (Comstock & Cobbey, 1982).

Although he criticized situation comedies for their portrayals of African-Americans as frivolous and stupid, Comer (1982) commented that these programs helped Caucasian third- through fifth-graders gain positive images of minorities, and many African-American children gained positive images about themselves. Graves (1982) found positive effects, including the acceptance and imitation of minority role models. Additionally, Mays and colleagues (1975) found that after viewing 16 episodes of Vegetable Soup, a program that featured the interactions of children of different ethnic backgrounds, children from 6 to 10 years expressed greater friendliness towards those differing in ethnicity (cited in Comstock & Paik, 1991). Mays and colleagues also found that those who were African-American expressed enhanced acceptance of their own ethnicity. Takanishi (1982) and Greenberg and Atkin (1982) cautioned that the effects of minority character portrayals were complicated by the different values, attitudes, and characteristics that children bring to viewing, as well as by social influences and the at, butes of content.

According to Davis (1990) and Berry (1982), minority group portrayals have improved in terms of frequency. In 1987, African-Americans comprised 12.4% of television characters and 12.9% of the population (Davis, 1990). Although Aftican-Americans were appearing more on television, segregation and isolation continued to be a problem (Berry, 1982). In 1980, cross-racial interactions appeared in only 2% of dramas and 4% of comedies (Weigel, Loomis & Soja, 1980, cited in Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). In their study of 1987 network programming, Williams and Condry found that 40% of minorities were in segregated environments with no contact with whites. They did find an interesting trend in that cross-racial friendships among youth were commonplace. In contrast, they found that cross-racial relationships among adults were limited to job-related situations.

Audience-viewing patterns have the potential to counteract the negative effects of televised stereotypes. Greenberg and Atkin (1982) stated that African-American parents were more likely than Caucasian parents to sit down and watch television programs with their children, especially minority programs. Grayson (1979) and Stroman (1991) advised direct intervention by parents to reduce the impact of negative portrayals, including: (a) selectively viewing programs and excluding those that portray minorities in distorted or stereotyped roles; (b) looking for and coviewing programs that portray minorities in a positive, realistic, and sensitive manner; (c) viewing and discussing the program's applicability and relevance to real-life people and events; (d) providing exposure to content beyond television and to activities that will promote physical and intellectual growth, such as trips to zoos and museums; and (e) providing opportunities for children to be in real situations with minorities, elderly persons, and others.

Other minority groups were rarely portrayed. By the mid-1970s other subgroups complained to the networks about their portrayals, such as Arabs as terrorists or oil sheiks; Italians as Mafia hoodlums; Orientals as invaders, docile launderers, or karate experts; Chicanos/Hispanics as comics, banditos, or gang members; homosexuals as effeminate; and Native Americans as savages, victims, cowards, or medicine men (Davis, 1990; Williams & Condry, 1989; Willis, 1990). Relatively little is known about how television is used by other minority groups.

11.6.2.4. Elderly Stereotypes. As a group, the elderly have been under-represented on television, occupying no more than 3% of all roles (Bell, 1991; Huston et al., 1992; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Of that number, men outnumbered women two to one and were likely to be more powerful, active, and productive. In a study of children's Saturday morning programs, Bishop and Krause (1984) found that over 90% of the comments made about the elderly were negative (cited in Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). The elderly were also portrayed as unhappy and having problems they could not solve themselves. According to Davis and Davis (1986), they were shown as "more comical, stubborn, eccentric, and foolish than other characters. They are more likely to be treated with disrespecf ' (cited in Bell, 199 1, p. 3).

This image of the elderly may be changing as the media recognize that one out of every six Americans is over 60 years of age, and marketing decisions begin to incorporate the elderly into television's prime time (Bell, 1991). According to Nielsen ratings, in 1989 the five most popular dramas for the over-age-55 audience featured older characters: Murder She Wrote, The Golden Girls, Matlock, Jake and the Fatman, and In the Heat of the Night (Bell, 1991). Bell found that they portrayed elderly who were at the center of the show as powerful characters, affluent, healthy, physically and socially active, quick witted, and admired. He concluded that while the elderly were portrayed better than they had been in the past, there were still problems. "When men appear with women, the old stereotypes of male prominence and power still operate" (Bell, 1991, p. 11). In his observation, these shows depicted two worlds: one where there were older women but no men, and one where there were older men with young women but no older women.

Some evidence exists for the potential of television to promote positive outcomes regarding the elderly. Keegan (1983) found that a planned program, Over Easy, which was designed to reach viewers over 55 years, was effective in fostering positive attitudes about aging (cited in Huston et al., 1992). Effects of images of the elderly need to be researched further and on different populations.

11.6.2.5. Disability Stereotypes. According to the World Health Organization, disability is defined as "any restriction or lack (resulting from an impairment) of ability to perform an activity in the manner or within the range considered normal for a human being" (cited in Cumberbatch & Negrine, 1992, p. 5). Television tends to concentrate on the disability rather than on the individual aspects of the character portrayed. People with disabilities wish to be treated as ordinary people on television, not as superheroes or villains or with sentimentality. Cumberbatch and Negrine (1992) studied televised images of disability on programs produced in Great Britain from 1988 to 1989 and compared them to shows produced in the United States. By recording and coding 1,286 programs, they found that characters with disabilities were shown to have locomotor, behavioral, or disfigurement disabilities since these are visible. "The wheelchair has apparently become a ready symbol of the experience of disability, a shorthand for a variety of difficulties that someone suffering from disabilities may encounter" (Cumberbatch & Negrine, p. 136). They concluded that in feature films, characters with disabilities were stereotyped most commonly as criminals, as being barely human, or as powerless and pathetic. In British programs, they were portrayed as villains, moody, introverted, unsociable, or sad. In the United States, however, characters with disabilities were shown more positively and were more likely to be sociable, extroverted, moral, and nonaggressive. Research on the effects of portraying characters with disabilities is needed.

11.6.2.6. Sensitization and Inhibition Issues. In addition to effects on stereotyping, studies suggest that some modeled behaviors can desensitize viewers, oversensitize viewers, or temporarily remove inhibitions (disinhibition effect). Variables include how victims' responses are portrayed as well as the type. of behavior exhibited. Stein (1972) found that emotional arousal on exposure to violence declined with repeated exposure, but it was unclear if behavioral responses also declined (cited in Friedrich & Stein, 1973).

Repeated exposure to specific types of violent programming, especially sexual violence and sports, may result in some viewers becoming desensitized or disinhibited. Although exposure to erotic content does not appear to induce antisocial behavior,* research on sexual violence suggests that it can reinforce certain attitudes, perceptions, and beliefs about violence toward women (Huston et al., 1992). After seeing sexual assault modeled, men behave more punitively toward women than those shown sexual intimacy without aggression (Donnerstein, 1980, cited in Bandura, 1986).

Showing women experiencing orgasmic pleasure while being raped stimulates greater punitiveness than if they are depicted expressing pain and abhorrence. Depictions of traumatic rape foster less aggression even though they are as arousing and more unpleasant than depictions of rape as pleasurable (Bandura, 1986, p. 295).

Bandura also states that since sexual modeling serves as a source of arousal and disinhibition, it can also heighten aggressiveness. Both male and female viewers who were massively exposed to pornography

. . regard hard-core fare as less offensive and more enjoyable, they perceive uncommon sexual practices as more prevalent than they really are, they show greater sexual callousness toward women, they devaluate issues of importance to women, and they are more lenient toward rape offenses (Zillmann & Bryant, 1984, cited in Bandura, 1986,p.294).

Although broadcast television is usually sexually suggestive rather than explicit, cable channels and videotape rentals can make violent and explicit sexual images readily available to children. Huston et al. (1992) call for more research to be done regarding the impact of these materials on children. Bandura (1986) expresses concern that while society exercises control over injurious actions, it presents discontinuities in the socialization of and boundaries for sexual behavior.

Although some viewers may become desensitized or disinhibited by what they watch on television, other viewers may become oversensitive. Television may cultivate or intensify distorted perceptions of the incidence of crime in the real world, especially for heavy viewers (Gunter, 1987; Gunter & Wakshlag, 1988; Murray, 1980; NIMH, 1982). Heavy viewers may think the world is more dangerous than it really is and perceive that the world is a mean and scary place (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). This may be the result of a circular effect where "greater fear of potential danger in the social environment may encourage people to stay indoors, where they watch more television, and are exposed to programmes which tell them things which in turn reinforce their anxietiee' (Gunter & Wakshlag, 1988,pp.208-209).

On the other hand, programs, such as crime dramas in which the antagonists end up being punished, can have the countereffect of providing comfort and reassurance in a just world (Gunter & Wakshlag, 1988). Gunter and Wober (1983) found a positive relationship between beliefs in a just world and exposure to crime drama programming (cited in Gunter, 1987).

The amount of viewing may be less important than the types of programs watched, the perception of and interpretation of content, and the actual level of crime where people live (Gunter, 1987). More detailed analyses are needed before causal conclusions can be drawn. Disinhibition effects that lead to increased aggressive behavior have also been observed. In a study conducted by Bandura. and Walters (1963), experimental subjects were instructed to administer electrical shocks (simulated) to individuals who gave incorrect responses. In this study, subjects who were exposed to aggressive content (a scene of a knife fight) administered stronger electrical shocks than did their counterparts who were shown constructive or neutral films (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). They cautioned that many of the laboratory studies that supported disinhibition occurred in contrived circumstances with television segments that were taken out of context. They also found a trend for disinhibition effects among those who are initially more aggressive.

Some evidence exists that disinhibition also occurs when violence is viewed in real-life settings. For adults, disinhibition may be a factor in the increase in violence against women that occurs after football games. White, Katz, and Scarborough (1992) studied the incidence of trauma after National Football League games. Although Walker found that calls to women's shelters increased on the day that a team lost (cited in Nelson), White et al. found that women were more likely to be hospitalized for trauma from assaults on the day after a tearnwon. They concluded that violence against women may be stimulated by some aspect of identification with an organization that dominates through violent behavior. "In a domestic context, the example of being successful through violent behavior may provide the male viewer with a heightened sense of power and may increase domination over his spouse or partner. This feeling of power can act to disinhibit constraints against violence" (White et al., p. 167). Additionally, calls to women's shelters increased in the first 4 to 5 hours after a Super Bowl game, with more calls being reported in some cities than on any Other day of the year (Nelson, 1994). The director of a domestic abuse center stated that when men describe battering incidents that involve sports, "the men talk about being pumped up from the game" (p. 135). Other variables, such as intoxication, may confound these data.

11.6.3 Behaviors

A substantial body of research has been conducted relative to the positive and negative effects of television on behavior. Behavior patterns that are established in childhood and adolescence may affect the foundations for lifelong patterns that are manifested in adulthood (Huston et al., 1992). According to Wright and Huston (1983), "producers, advertisers, and broadcasters use violence in children's programming largely because they believe that dramatic content involving anger, aggression, threat, and conquest is essential to maintain the loyalty and attention of child audiences" (p. 838). The research on formal features has suggested alternative ways of maintaining attention, such as with high rates of child dialogue, high pace, auditory and visual special effects, salient music, and nonhuman speech (Wright & Huston, 1983). According to Hearold (1986), whether what is learned is put to use depends on a variety of factors:

There must be the capability to perform the act, sufficient motivation, and some remembrance of what is viewed; performance also depends on the restraints present, including the perceived probability of punishment and the values held in regard to violence (p. 68).

Making definitive statements about the causes of behaviors or correlations between causes and effects is difficult because of inconsistencies in the labels for gross treatment effects. Antisocial and prosocial are broad terms that can represent diverse treatments or outcomes. There is also ambiguity in more specific terms such as frustration or aggression (Bandura & Walters, 1963).

In her meta-analysis of 230 studies that were conducted through 1977, however, Hearold (1986) made 1,043 treatment comparisons. Overall, she found a positive effect for antisocial treatments on antisocial behaviors and a positive effect for prosocial treatments on prosocial behaviors. When she looked at the most ecologically valid studies, Hearold found that effect sizes* continued to be positive, although they were lower. She cautions, however, that some of the differences may be understood by the intentionality of the treatments. For example, antisocial programs are generally created to entertain audiences, while prosocial programs have prosocial instruction as a goal. Other moderating variables can be the degree of acceptance of antisocial and prosocial behaviors.

11.6.3.1. Antisocial Outcomes. For decades, people have been concerned about the effect of television on antisocial behavior, particularly violence and aggression. Violence can be defined as "the overt expression of physical force against others or self, or the compelling of action against one's will on pain of being hurt or killed" (NIMH, 1972, p. 3). Aggression can be defined as an action intended to injure another person or object (Friedrich & Stein, 1973), but its designation as antisocial depends on the act as well as the circumstances and participants (NIMH, 1972). In observational studies, these antisocial acts include physical assault, nonverbal teasing, verbal aggression, commanding vigorously, tattling, injury to objects, and playful or fantasy aggression (Friedrich & Stein, 1973). Some laboratory studies use a "help-hurt" game in which the intensity, quantity, or length of pain-producing responses are measured when the subjects believe they are affecting another child or a researcher's accomplice.

Two decades of content analysis show that violence remains at approximately five violent acts per hour in primetime television and at 20 to 25 acts per hour in children's Saturday morning programming. This translates into an average of 8,000 murders and over 100,000 acts of violence viewed by the time a child graduates from elementary school (Huston et aL, 1992).

In 1994-1995, the National Cable Television Association funded the National Television Violence Study that went beyond counting the number of violent incidents portrayed on television. It identified important contextual factors, examined the presence of effect of ratings or content advisories, and explored the effectiveness of antiviolence television messages and public service announcements (Mediascope, 1996). Important contextual conclusions included:

• Perpetrators were unpunished in 73% of all violent scenes.
• The negative consequences of violence were not often portrayed.
• Handguns were used in 25% of violent interactions.
• On premium cable channels, 85% of the programs were violent, compared to public broadcasting channels with 18%.
• Movies were more likely to present violence in realistic settings than other program types.
• Children's programs were least likely to show the long-term consequences of violence.
• Violence was shown in a humorous context in 67% of children's programs.
• Only 4% of violent programs employed an antiviolence theme.

The study also found that "viewer discretion" advisories and "PG- 13" or "R" ratings made programs more attractive for boys, particularly those aged 10 to 14, while the opposite was true for girls, especially those aged 5 to 9. Public service announcements and antiviolence programming were not effective in changing adolescents' attitudes about using violence to resolve conflict.

Antisocial outcomes have been shown to occur after exposure to antisocial programining. Although Huston et al.'s review of the literature stated that "there is clear evidence that television violence can cause aggressive behavior and can cultivate values favoring the use of aggression to resolve conflicts" (1992, p. 136), this statement should be treated with caution, because definitions of antisocial behavior, violence, and aggression can vary from study to study. Results can also vary depending on other variables such as age, sex, parenting style, or environmental cues. For example, Bandura and Walters' (1959) study of childrearing practices found that parents of aggressive boys were more likely to encourage and condone aggression than the parents of nonaggressive boys (cited in Bandura & Walters, 1963). A predisposition for aggressiveness may also be a catalyst that produces increases in mediated behavior (Murray, 1980). Comstock and Paik (1987) list others factors that have been identified as heightening television's influence or contributing to viewers' antisocial behavior. These include the portrayal of violence as: (a) justified, rewarded, uncriticized, unpunished, or seemingly legal; (b) violence resulting in numerous victims or mass killings; (c) violence among friends or gang members; (d) viewers who are angered or provoked prior to viewing; and (e) viewers who are in a state of frustration or unresolved excitement after viewing (Comstock & Paik, 1987).

The accumulated research shows a positive correlation between viewing and aggression, i.e., "heavy viewers behave more aggressively than light viewers" (Huston et al., 1992, p. 54). But when a correlation is made between viewing televised violence and aggressive behavior, it does not mean that there is a causal relationship. Alternative explanations are possible, such as those who are more predisposed to aggression tend to watch more violent television.

Although experimental studies, such as the Bandura Bobo doll studies, have shown that aggression can increase after exposure to televised violence, the research hasn't proved that aggression demonstrated in laboratory settings transfers to real-life settings. Field studies show conflicting results, and naturalistic studies are frequently confounded by uncontrollable environmental factors.

In an effort to find more precise answers, a major endeavor was sponsored by the Surgeon General of the United States to study the effects of television on social behavior with a focus on the effects of televised violence on children and youth (NIMH, 1972). From 1969 to 1971, 23 independent projects were conducted, a number of which were field studies that showed correlations ranging from .0 to .30 (Atkin, Murray & Nayman, 1971). The end result was a very cautious report that stated, "On the basis of these findings ... we can tentatively conclude that there is a modest relationship between exposure to television and aggressive behavior or tendencies . . ."(NIMH, 1972, p. 8). Only two of the studies showed +.30 correlations between earlier viewing and later aggression.

Finding positive correlations did not lead to statements of causality. The advisory committee cautioned that "a correlation coefficient of .30 would lead to the statement that 9% of the variance in each variable is accounted for by the variation in the other (NIMH, 1972, p. 167). They also wrote, "The majority of the values are trivially small, but the central tendency for the values is clearly positive. En masse, they indicate a small positive relationship between amount of violence viewing and aggressive behavior . . ." (NIMH, 1972, p. 168). They speculated that the correlations could be the result of any of three causal sequences: (a) viewing violence led to aggression, (b) aggression led to violence viewing, or that (c) both viewing and aggression were the products of some unidentified conditions. Such conditions could have included preexisting levels of aggression, underlying personality factors, or parental attitudes and behavior.

The committee found the experimental evidence to be weak and inconsistent. However, they felt there was a convergence of evidence for short-term causation of aggression among some children, but less evidence for long-term manifestations. They pointed out that the viewing-toaggression sequence most likely applied to some children predisposed to aggressive behavior and that the manner in which children responded depended on the environmental context in which violence was presented and received (Atkin, Murray & Nayman, 1971-1972).

Overall, the Surgeon General's Advisory Committee concluded that there was a tentative indication of a causal relationship between viewing violence on television and aggressive behavior. Any relationship operated only on some children, those who were predisposed to be aggressive, and it operated only in some environmental contexts (NIMH, 1972).

In 1982, the NIMH published another report reviewing research conducted during the ensuing 10 years. In their summary, they concluded that the convergence of evidence supported the conclusion that there was a causal relationship between viewing televised violence and later aggressive behavior (NIMH, 1982). They cautioned that all the studies demonstrated group differences, not individ" differences, and that no study unequivocally confirmed or refuted the conclusion that televised violence leads to aggressive behavior.

As stated earlier in this section, Hearold (1986) found similar results when she conducted a meta-analysis of studies conducted through 1977 which measured anti- or prosocial behavior or attitudes of subjects assigned to film or video treatment conditions. She included only those studies with valid comparison groups such as prepost comparison studies or those with control groups. Hearold found that the most frequently measured antisocial behavior was physical aggression, and concluded that positive findings have not been confined to a method, measure, or age group. While responses to television violence were undifferentiated by sex among young children under the age of 9, they became more differentiated with age as sex role norms were learned. Male-female differences were greatest for physical aggression in the later teen years when effect sizes for boys markedly increased, while those for girls decreased. When looking at outcome characteristics, Hearold found that physical aggression was a variable in 229 comparisons with a mean effect size of .3 1. She also found that when subjects were frustrated or provoked, the effect size increased (Hearold, 1986).

Other studies support the importance of individual predispositions and environmental contexts in predicting the negative effects of television. Because studying the effects of television in naturalistic settings is so complex, researchers called for a move away from determining if there are effects to seeking the explanations and processes responsible for causing effects (NIMH, 1982; Joy, Kimball & Zabrack, 1986). For example, Friedrich and Stein's (1973) study of 93 preschoolers found that children who were initially above average in aggression showed greater interpersonal aggression after exposure to aggressive cartoons than when exposed to neutral or prosocial programs. They also showed sharp declines in self-regulation such as delay tolerance and rule obedience. Children who were initially below average in aggression did not respond differently to the various treatment conditions.

In their longitudinal study, Joy, Kimball, and Zabrack (1986) found that after 2 years of exposure to television, children in the formerly Notel town were verbally and physically more aggressive than children in the Unitel and Multitel towns. They also found that boys were more aggressive than girls, and children who watched more television tended to be more physically aggressive. They speculate that this may have been due to a novelty effect rather than a cultivation effect.

Special populations of children can react to and use television differently from their nondisabled peers. When Sprafkin, Gadow, and Abelman (1992) reviewed field studies conducted with emotionally disturbed and learning disabled children, they found that these children demonstrated more physical aggression after viewing control material or cartoons with low levels of aggression than did nonlabeled children. However, in laboratory studies of exceptional children they found that children who are naturally more aggressive are more likely to be reactive to televised violence. Other variables may have impacted the results, including the use of nonaggressive, but highly stimulating or suspenseful, treatment materials.

There also seems to be a relationship between heavy viewing and restlessness. Studies conducted by Singer and colleagues and Desmond and colleagues (1990) found positive associations between heavy television viewing and greater restlessness for children whose parents were not involved in coviewing (cited in Comstock & Paik, 1991).

Most young children don't know the difference between reality and fantasy (NIMH, 1982). Some of the negative effects of violence and stereotypes may be attenuated if children can separate fiction from reality (Wright & Huston, 1983). Sprafkin, Gadow, and Dussault developed a test called the Perceptions of Reality on Television (PORT) to assess children's knowledge of the realism of people and ,situations shown on television (Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). It consists of showing a series of video excerpts about which children must answer questions. The PORT questions are based on judging the realism of aggressive content, nonaggressive content, and superhuman feats, on differentiating between the actor and the role played, and on differentiating between cartoons and nonanimated programs. PORT has been found to be a reliable and valid measure of children's perceptions of reality on television (Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). Research on the applicability of PORT to developing interventions in criticalviewing skills is needed.

At least three areas of concern arise from the literature on violence. The obvious ones are the relationship between television violence and aggression, even if the aggression is not directed against society, and the desensitization of children to pain and suffering (Smith, 1994). The less obviousone is the potential for effect on children who are sensitive and vulnerable and thus may become more fearful and insecure (Signorielli, 1991).

In response to these concerns, the United States .Congress included in the Telecommunications Act of 1996 a requirement for television manufacturers to install an electronic device in every set that will be produced beginning in 1998. In order for this technology to work, the Telecommunications Act calls for programs to be rated and encoded according to their level of sex and violence. This device, popularly referred to as the "V-chip," enables parents to identify and block programming they determine is undesirable for their children (Telecommunications Act of 1996; Murray, 1995).

Alfred Hitchcock is reputed to have said, "Television .has brought murder into the home, where it belongs" (Elkind, 1984, p. 103). Murders and crime occur about 10 times more frequently on television than in the real world. A third of all characters in television shows are committing crime or fighting it, most with guns. It becomes, therefore, a chicken-and-egg question. Does television programming include more violence because society is more violent, or does society become more violent because people are desensitized to violence through television? The answer is probably both. Too many factors interact for the extent of each influence to be determined.

When one examines violence in films the trend towards increased gore and explicit horror is easily documented. Rather than reflecting the content and meaning associated with myths and fairy tales, today's horror films are pure sensation with no serious content. In that aspect, they reflect our times, when so many have lives of pure sensation (Stein, 1982, cited in Elkind, 1984). If violence on television is controlled, children and adults will still be able to experience violence vicariously through other media, such as film, books, and recordings. Research on television suggests that the messages sent about violence do have an effect, but many factors can mediate these effects.

11.6.3.2. Prosocial Outcomes. Although concerns about the negative effects of television are certainly valid, television also can be used to teach positive attitudes and behaviors. Prosocial behaviors include generosity, helping, cooperation, nurturing, sympathy, resisting temptation, verbalizing feelings, and delaying gratification (Friedrich & Stein, 1973; Rushton, 1982; Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). Liebert and Sprafkin (1988) divide prosocial behavior into two categories: altruism*-which includes generosity, helping, and cooperation-and self-control,* which includes delaying gratification and resisting the temptation to cheat, lie, or steal. However, children must be able to comprehend television content if prosocial messages are to be effectively conveyed.

Content analyses reveal an average of I I to 13 altruistic acts per hour, 5 to 6 sympathetic behaviors, and less than I act of control of aggressive impulses or resistance to temptation (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Although viewers are exposed to prosocial interpersonal behaviors, there are infrequent displays of self-control behaviors on television (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Most of these prosocial behaviors appear in situation comedies and dramas.

In her meta-analysis, Hearold (1986) found 190 tests for effects of prosocial behavior. The average effect size for prosocial television on prosocial behavior (.63) was far higher than that for the effects of antisocial television on antisocial behavior (.30) (cited in Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). "The most frequently measured prosocial behavior, altruism (helping or giving) had one of the strongest associations, with a mean effect size of .83" (Hearold, 1986, p. 105). Other noteworthy average effect sizes included .98 for self-control, .81 for buying books, .57 for a positive attitude toward work, and .57 for acceptance of others (Hearold, 1986). Due to these large effect sizes, Hearold called for more attention to and funding for production of prosocial programs for children.

One such program is Mister Rogers' Neighborhood, which has been lauded for its ability to promote prosocial behavior in preschool children. Field experiments showed that children increased self-control (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988) and learned nurturance, sympathy, task persistence, empathy, and imaginativeness from viewing it (Huston et al., 1992). Positive interpersonal behavior was enhanced when viewing was supplemented with reinforcement activities such as role playing and play materials, especially for lower socioeconomic-status children (Huston et al., 1992; Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). After exposing children to 12 episodes of Mister Rogers'Neighborhood over a 4-week period, Stein and Friedrich (1972, cited in Murray, 1980) found that preschool children became more cooperative and willing to share toys and to delay gratification than children who watched antisocial cartoons. Friedrich and Stein (1973) also found that preschoolers showed higher levels of task persistence, rule obedience, and delay tolerance than subjects who viewed aggressive cartoons. These effects of increased self-regulatory behavior were particularly evident for children with above-average intelligence. Paulson (1974) reported that children who viewed Sesame Street programs designed to portray cooperation behaved more cooperatively in test situations than did nonviewers.

Sprafkin (1979) compiled the following results of research on other prosocial programs: Sesame Street improved children's racial attitudes towards African-Americans and Hispanics; Big Blue Marble caused fourth- through sixthgraders to perceive people around the world as being similar and "children in other countries as healthier, happier, and better off than before they had viewed the program" (p. 36); Vegetable Soup helped 6- to 10-year-olds become more accepting of children of different races; and finally, Freestyle helped 9- to 12-year-olds combat sex role and ethnic stereotyping in career attitudes.

Commercial television programs that reach larger audiences can also promote prosocial behavior. First-graders who viewed a prosocial Lassie episode were more willing to sacrifice good prizes to help animals seemingly in distress than a control group (Sprafkin, Liebert & Poulos, 1975, cited in Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992). Children who viewed the cartoon Fat Albert and the Cosby Kids understood its prosocial messages and were able to apply them (Huston et al., 1992; Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988). Anderson and Williams (1983, cited in Stroman, 199 1) found that after African-American children viewed an episode of Good Times, the children reported that they learned that street gangs are bad and that family members should help each other. Television can also explain to children how to handle fearful events, such as going to the dentist, or demonstrate that frightening situations aren't so bad (Stroman, 1991).

Forge and Phemister (1982) sought to determine whether a prosocial cartoon would be as effective as a live-model prosocial program. Forty preschool aged children were shown one of four different 15-minute videotapes. Subjects were then observed during 30 minutes of free play. The prosocial cartoon was as effective as the live-model program in eliciting prosocial behavior.

Unfortunately, some commercial superhero cartoons and crime/adventure programs may deliver prosocial. or moral messages via characters who behave aggressively. Lisa, Reinhardt, and Fredriksen (1983, cited in Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988) used episodes of the cartoon Superfriends to compare a prosocial/aggressive condition to a purely prosocial condition. In their study of kindergarten, second-, and fourth-grade children, subjects were put in a situation where they could hurt or help another child within the context of a help-hurt game. They found that children exposed to a purely prosocial condition helped more than they hurt, tended to hurt less, and understood the plot and moral lesson significantly better than those in the prosocial/aggressive condition. Liebert and Sprafkin concluded that prosocial behavior should not be presented in an aggressive context.

Prosocial television has its critics, too. There are "legitimate moral objections to using a public medium to indoctrinate socially a whole nation of children" (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988, p. 240). When Liebert and Sprafkin assisted with the production of an internationally broadcast public-service announcement that modeled cooperation by showing children sharing a swing, they were accused of trying to manipulate children's behavior and moral values and were told that their efforts could potentially be seen as "a highly objectionable form of psychological behavior control" (p. 243).

Although television can influence children and does so in an indiscriminate manner, an important question is whether anyone should purposely try to harness its power for specific socialization goals. Even so, Hearold (1986) makes a good point:

11.6.4 Summary and Recommendations

Television can teach and change attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors, especially those considered prosocial. The beneficial effects of prosocial programming, especially for adolescents and adults, needs to be explored further.

Child-rearing practices are also a factor. Korzenny, Greenberg, and Atkin (1979, cited in Sprafkin, Gadow & Abelman, 1992) found that children of parents who disciplined with reasoning and explanation were less affected by antisocial content; children of parents who disciplined with power were most affected. Many studies looked at behavior immediately following exposure to a short program. As research continues in these areas, it is important to examine the long-term and cumulative effects of exposure to television on attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. As Schramm, Lyle, and Parker (1961) stated:

For some children, under some conditions, some television is harmful. For some children under the same conditions, or for the same children under other conditions, it may be beneficial. For most children, under most conditions, most television is,probably neither particularly harmful nor particularly beneficial (cited in Hearold, p. 68).

It is also important to continue to identify those variables in the home, school, and society that are more important than television in the socialization of children. Rushton speculates that "television has become one of the most important agencies of socialization that our society possesses" (1982, p. 255). Many of the studies on socialization were based on content analyses, and detailed information was available about what was being portrayed (NIMH, 1982). Since television does appear to affect the world view of heavy users, research is needed to determine the longterm effects on viewers' attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. Television violence can "work in subtle and insidious ways to adversely influence youth and society" (Liebert & Sprafkin, 1988, p. 135).

Although laboratory experiments do show a positive correlation between television violence and antisocial behavior, naturalistic studies are not as clear. In terms of causation, it appears that some populations in specific settings are sometimes affected. Many other factors-such as the characteristics of the viewers, friends and family, and environment-influence television effects. Research is moving away from determining if there is a relationship to determining the causes and nature of that relationship: "Me concern is more with the kinds of violence, who commits violence, and who is victimized, because these portrayals may be critical mechanisms of social control" (NIMH, 1982, p. 41). It should be remembered that inferences of causation in violence studies are based on numerous correlational studies. One example of an area that should yield fruitful research is the interaction between formal features and the effects of television on aggression. If, as research indicates, aggression increases in the presence of specific formal features such as fast-paced action, regardless of the violence of the content, then researchers need to explore such interactions.

The television industry has recognized that it needs to play an active role in attempting to curb youth violence. In 1994, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) partially funded "Tbe National Campaign to Reduce Youth Violence." The goals of the campaign were (a) to focus on successful, community-based solutions, (b) to collaborate with multiple community resources and organizations, and (c) to involve youth in the problem-solving process (Head, 1994). Over an initial 2-year period, it hopes to have provided technical assistance with telecommunications services, two program series, and accompanying outreach programs. This campaign was designed to involve television, print, radio, government agencies, and community, educational, and industrial organizations. The purpose of the campaign is to identify and support interventions to counter the effects of violence on television.